For Spy Agencies, Briefing Trump Is a Test of Holding His Attention 情報機關向川普簡報 要他專心很難

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2020/06/12 第307期 訂閱/退訂∣看歷史報份

紐時周報精選 For Spy Agencies, Briefing Trump Is a Test of Holding His Attention 情報機關向川普簡報 要他專心很難 Thousands of Complaints Do Little to Change Police Ways 濫權施暴已久…投訴成千上萬 美警鐵板一塊

For Spy Agencies, Briefing Trump Is a Test of Holding His Attention 情報機關向川普簡報 要他專心很難 文/Julian E. Barnes and Adam Go 譯/李京倫、核稿/樂慧生 情報機關向川普簡報 要他專心很難 President Donald Trump has blamed many others for his administration's flawed response to the coronavirus: China, governors, the Obama administration, the World Health Organization. In recent weeks, he has also faulted the information he received from an obscure analyst who delivers his intelligence briefings. 美國總統川普把政府應對新冠肺炎疫情的缺失，歸咎於許多因素：中國大陸、美國各州州長、前總統歐巴馬政府和世界衛生組織。最近幾周，川普還怪罪情報簡報會上一名沒沒無聞的分析師給出的資訊。 Trump has insisted that the intelligence agencies gave him inadequate warnings about the threat of the virus, describing it as "not a big deal." Intelligence officials have publicly backed him, acknowledging that Beth Sanner, the analyst who regularly briefs the president, underplayed the dangers when she first mentioned the virus to him Jan. 23. 川普堅稱，情報機構提醒他關於新冠病毒的威脅時力道不夠，說疫情「沒什麼大不了」。情報官員在公開場合支持川普的說法，承認定期向川普報告的分析師貝絲．塞納，1月23日首次向川普提到新冠病毒時，對其危險性輕描淡寫。 But in blaming Sanner, a CIA analyst with three decades of experience, Trump ignored a host of warnings he received around that time from higher-ranking officials, epidemiologists, scientists, biodefense officials, other national security aides and the news media about the virus's growing threat. Trump's own health secretary had alerted him five days earlier to the potential seriousness of the virus. 不過，川普怪罪具30年經驗的美國中央情報局分析師塞納時，忽略了他在大約同時期收到關於新冠病毒威脅日漸增加的大量警告，來源包括其他更高階官員、流行病學家、科學家、生物防禦官員、其他國家安全幕僚和新聞媒體。川普自己的衛生部長阿查爾比塞納早5天即提醒川普新冠病毒潛在的危險性。 Trump is particularly difficult to brief on critical national security matters, according to interviews with 10 current and former intelligence officials familiar with his intelligence briefings. 紐約時報訪問熟知川普情報簡報會事務的10名現任與前任情報官員得知，在報告至關重要的國安事務時，特別難讓川普專心聆聽。 The president veers off on tangents, and getting him back on topic is difficult, they said. He has a short attention span and rarely, if ever, reads intelligence reports, relying instead on conservative media and his friends for information. 情報官員說，川普會突然跳開原來的思路，很難把他拉回正題。川普注意力集中的時間很短，而且幾乎從不閱讀情報報告，而是依賴保守派媒體和朋友獲取資訊。 Trump rarely absorbs information that he disagrees with or that runs counter to his worldview, the officials said. Briefing him has been so great a challenge compared with his predecessors that the intelligence agencies have hired outside consultants to study how better to present information to him. 這些官員說，川普很少接納他不同意和違背他世界觀的資訊。向川普報告遠比向歷任總統報告困難，以致情報機構聘請了外部顧問以研究如何更有效地向川普呈報資料。 "How do you know?" is Trump's common refrain during his 30- to 50-minute briefings two or three times a week. He counters with his own statistics on issues where he has strong views, like trade or NATO. Directly challenging him, even when his numbers are wrong, appears to erode Trump's trust, according to former officials, and ultimately he stops listening. 川普在一周兩三次、每次30到50分鐘的情報簡報會上經常說：「你怎麼知道是這樣？」川普會對貿易、北約等他有固執看法的議題，舉出統計數字反駁。前官員說，就算川普的數據是錯的，直接質疑川普似乎會減損川普對自己的信任，最後川普乾脆充耳不聞。 Intelligence briefings are among the most important entries on a president's calendar. The briefer, always a top CIA analyst, delivers the latest secrets and best insights from the 17 intelligence agencies. The oral briefings to Trump are based on the President's Daily Brief, the crown jewels of intelligence reports, which draws from spywork to make sophisticated analytic predictions about long-standing adversaries, unfolding plots and emerging crises around the world. 情報簡報會是美國總統行事曆上最重要的事項之一。簡報人一定是中情局頂尖分析師，報告的是美國17個情報機關提供的最新祕密情資和最佳洞見。向川普口頭報告的內容以「總統每日簡報」為基礎，這是所有情資報告的精髓，從蒐集來的情報擷取要點，目的是對長期存在的敵手、正在發展中的祕密計畫和全球各地剛出現的危機，做出精闢的分析性預測。 But getting Trump to remember information, even if he seems to be listening, can be all but impossible, especially if it runs counter to his worldview, former officials said. 不過，前官員說，要讓川普記住資料幾乎不可能，甚至川普看似在聽時也一樣，當資料與川普的世界觀相反時尤其困難。 Thousands of Complaints Do Little to Change Police Ways 濫權施暴已久…投訴成千上萬 美警鐵板一塊 文/Shaila Dewan and Serge F. Ko 譯/李京倫、核稿/樂慧生 投訴成千上萬 美警鐵板一塊 In nearly two decades with the Minneapolis Police Department, Derek Chauvin faced at least 17 misconduct complaints, none of which derailed his career. 沙文在美國明尼蘇達州明尼亞波利斯市警察局服務近20年，投訴他行為不當的案件至少有17起，沒有一起危及他的職涯。 Over the years, civilian review boards came and went, and a federal review recommended that the troubled department improve its system for flagging problematic officers. 多年來，負責調查投訴警察案件的機構「平民調查委員會」來來去去，而聯邦政府評鑑後，曾建議出問題的明尼亞波利斯警局，改善其標記行為失當員警的制度。 All the while, Chauvin tussled with a man before firing two shots, critically wounding him. He was admonished for using derogatory language and a demeaning tone with the public. He was named in a brutality lawsuit. But he received no discipline other than two letters of reprimand. 沙文在這個警局服務期間經常出事。他與一名男子激烈爭執，而後開了兩槍，致使該男子重傷。他因為出言貶損和羞辱民眾而遭申誡。他被控告行徑殘忍。不過，沙文除了收到兩封訓斥信之外，沒受到任何懲戒。 It was not until Chauvin, 44, was seen in a video with his left knee pinned to the neck of a black man, prone for nearly nine minutes and pleading for relief, that the officer, who is white, was suspended, fired and then charged with murder. 一直要到沙文被人錄下用左膝蓋壓住一名非裔男子（佛洛伊德）頸部、使該男子趴在地上近9分鐘並求他放開，沙文這個44歲的白人警察才被停職、革職，再被控以謀殺罪。 His case is not unusual. Critics say the department, despite its long history of accusations of abuse, never fully implemented federal recommendations to overhaul the way in which it tracks complaints and punishes officers—with just a handful over the years facing termination or severe punishment. 沙文這樣的案例並不罕見。批評者說，明尼亞波利斯警局雖然被控濫權施暴已久，卻從未徹底執行聯邦建議，改善追蹤投訴案和懲戒員警的機制，多年來遭到免職或嚴懲的員警屈指可數。 Even as outrage has mounted over deaths at the hands of the police, it remains notoriously difficult in the United States to hold officers accountable, in part because of the political clout of police unions, the reluctance of investigators, prosecutors and juries to second-guess an officer's split-second decision and the wide latitude the law gives police officers to use force. 儘管警察暴力執法致死已使民怨高漲，在美國，要追究員警責任仍是難到不行，部分是因為警察工會的政治影響力很大，調查人員、檢方和陪審團不願質疑員警在剎那間做出的決定，以及法律賦予員警寬鬆的動用武力空間。 Police departments themselves have often resisted civilian review or dragged their feet when it comes to overhauling officer disciplinary practices. And even change-oriented police chiefs in cities like Baltimore and Philadelphia—which over the last few years have been the sites of high-profile deaths of black men by white officers—have struggled to punish or remove bad actors. 在改革懲戒員警的作法方面，警局本身常抗拒平民調查委員會的建議，或在執行時拖拖拉拉。就算在近年來發生多起白人警察執法過當、致使非裔男子死亡的知名案件的城市，如馬里蘭州巴爾的摩、賓州費城等，有心改革的警察局長懲戒失職員警或將他們免職也相當吃力。 Across the country, civilian review boards—generally composed of members of the public—have been notoriously weak. They gather accounts, but cannot enforce any recommendations. 全美各地平民調查委員會通常由公眾組成，力量之小眾所周知。委員會蒐集各種陳述，卻無法落實任何建議。 In 2012, the civilian board in Minneapolis was replaced by an agency called the Office of Police Conduct Review. Since then, more than 2,600 misconduct complaints have been filed by members of the public, but only 12 have resulted in an officer being disciplined. The most severe censure has been a 40-hour suspension. 2012年，明尼亞波利斯平民委員會由名為「警察行為審查辦公室」的機構取代。從那時起，公眾共計提出2600多件警察行為不當的申訴案，但其中僅12件以懲戒員警作結，最嚴重的懲戒是停職40小時。

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